Obvia et Impera! A case for ‘perspectival control’ in directive clauses
Adrian Stegovec
December 2018 

The paper proposes a new type of control configuration: perspectival control. This involves control of a non-argument PRO that combines with a directive modal operator in the Mood domain. This PRO encodes the individual to whom the public commitments associated with the modal are anchored, and its presence can be detected in the syntax through a subject obviation effect. The empirical focus of the paper are Slovenian directive clauses (imperatives and subjunctives), but the analysis is shown to have implications for analyses of other languages as well as theories of directive clauses and the representation of discourse related information in the syntax.

Format:	[ pdf ]
Reference:	lingbuzz/003078 (please use that when you cite this article)
Published in:	Published in Natural Language Semantics, Vol. 27(1), pp 47–94 (as "Perspectival Control and Obviation in Directive Clauses")
keywords:	binding, control, directives, embedded imperatives, performative modals, perspective, pro, slovenian, speech reports, subject obviation, subjunctives
previous versions:	v5 [November 2018] v4 [May 2018] v3 [May 2018] v2 [December 2016] v1 [July 2016]
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