Successive cyclicity in DPs: Evidence from Mongolian nominalized clauses
Athulya Aravind
September 2017
 

This short paper presents evidence for successive cyclicity in DPs from Mongolian (Mongolic), where A-bar movement out of nominalized clauses must take place via the highest peripheral position, Spec, DP. Spec, DP in nominalized clauses is also a derived subject position where subject nominals receive accusative (ACC) case. This dual functionality of Spec, DP means that successive-cyclic movement through DPs has a morphological reflex: (i) ACC on subjects of nominalized clauses is impossible when a non-subject undergoes A-bar movement, and (ii) ACC is impossible on the subject of any intermediate nominalized clause through which movement proceeds.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/003678
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: submitted
keywords: phases, mongolian, nominalized clauses, successive cyclicity, case, syntax
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