Here I propose an interpretation of negation in event semantics that is compatible with the distributivity operators of Champollion 2016a and Champollion 2016b. This proposal is based on a distinction between two kinds of events: real ones and imaginary ones, the latter being only potentialities that never become reality. They allow to formally define negative events similar to the ones mentioned in Higginbotham 2009 and I show that (i) they obey the logic one would expect them to and (ii) they make it possible to compositionally derive the meaning of sentences such as The kids each didn’t eat an egg (‘none of them did’).