In this paper, I show that in Japanese, while some focus elements obligatorily take wide scope with respect to scope-bearing predicative heads, Argument Ellipsis reverses this scope possibility, leading to the obligatory narrow scope interpretation of focused elements. I further show that Scope Parallelism (Fox 2000) overrides the narrow scope requirement of elided arguments; when the antecedent clause exhibits scope interaction, the elided clause shows the parallel wide scope. I argue that such scope possibilities fall out from the interaction of the derivational PF-deletion analysis (Takahashi 2012, 2013a, b, 2017), the Morphological Merger of predicative heads (Shibata 2015), and Scope Economy and Parallelism (Fox 2000).