Pseudo-gapping: An Alleged Case for Scope Parallelism
Hideharu Tanaka
December 2017 

This paper addresses the identity of movement of remnants (Move-R) in pseudo-gapping. In particular, we compare two existing approaches: Thoms’s (2016) Scope Parallelism (SP) approach, which identifies Move-R with Focus Movement and restricts its applicability in light of SP, and Tanaka’s (2017) extension of Johnson’s (2008) Quantifier Raising (QR) approach, where Move-R is analyzed as an overt instance of QR. In order to verify them, we consider the following four facts: (i) clause-boundedness of Move-R, (ii) exceptionality of Move-R in comparatives, (iii) availability of multiple Move-R, and (iv) ellipsis-specific nature of Move-R. Based on these facts, we argue that the QR approach is preferable, because it derives all the facts, while the SP approach does not. Furthermore, we lend support to the QR approach by pointing out that Move-R shows similar behavior to overt QR in Icelandic, which Svenonius (2000) refers to as Quantifier Movement. Through these arguments, we suggest that pseudo-gapping offers no conclusive evidence for SP.

Format:	[ pdf ]
Reference:	lingbuzz/003821 (please use that when you cite this article)
Published in:	To appear in Osaka University Papers in English Linguistics 18
keywords:	pseudo-gapping, scope parallelism, focus movement, quantifier raising, semantics, syntax
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