This manuscript argues for a novel approach to the resolution of certain elliptical constructions which takes as its starting point the abstract morphological constraints the head licensing the ellipsis site has to satisfy. Several phenomena - for instance the relative acceptability of verbal ellipsis with nominal antecedents, voice alternations under ellipsis, differential island repairing properties of sluicing and complementary distribution between sluicing and local binding of pronouns - are given a narrowly syntactic account and are shown to follow from standard minimalist assumptions and interfaces effects.