Passivization and composite A/Ā-movement in the Mandarin bei-construction
Fulang Chen
November 2023 

The bei-construction in Mandarin is a well studied construction known for exhibiting both passive-like properties and tough-movement-like properties (see Feng 1995, 2012; Ting 1995, 1998; Huang 1999; Tang 2001; Huang, Li \& Li 2009; Bruening \& Tran 2015; a.o.). I argue for a novel analysis of the bei-construction in Mandarin as a passive construction where the passive head/bei hosts a composite probe [φ+Ā], which triggers composite A/Ā-movement, in the sense of Van Urk (2015). The subject in the bei-construction is derived via (successive-cyclic) composite A/Ā-movement, followed by a terminating step of A-movement, similar to Longenbaugh's (2017) analysis of English tough-movement. Under the proposed analysis, the mixed A/Ā-properties associated with the bei-construction are direct consequences of composite A/Ā-movement (following Van Urk 2015; Longenbaugh 2017). The proposed analysis of the bei-construction accounts for two restrictions on long-distance dependencies in the bei-construction -- specifically, a requirement that no overt, case-less NPs should intervene between the subject of bei and the gap in agent-less bei-constructions, and a contrast when the bei-construction involves a cross-clausal dependency between the subject of bei and a subject vs. object gap. I argue that the ban on overt, case-less NPs intervening between the subject of bei and the gap in agent-less bei-constructions follows from the proposed analysis of the bei-construction as a passive construction and Burzio's generalization (Burzio 1986), which states that all and only the verbs that can assign a theta-role to the (logical) subject can assign accusative case to an object. Specifically, in agent-less bei-constructions, when there is an overt NP that cannot be assigned case by the matrix Voice head, that NP must become the subject of bei, where it can receive case from Infl; in such cases, it is predicted that long-distance dependencies between the subject of bei and a deeply embedded gap in bei's complement is impossible. I argue that the subject/object contrast with respect to the possibility of crossing a finite clause boundary to become the subject of bei follows from the possibility of raising to subject via A-movement to Spec, CP, or hyper-raising to subject (see e.g., Fong 2019; Wurmbrand 2019; Lohninger, Kova\u{c} \& Wurmbrand 2022; a.o.), and the ban on improper Ā-movement to Spec, CP followed by composite A/Ā-movement (see Longenbaugh 2017).

Format:	[ pdf ]
Reference:	lingbuzz/007980 (please use that when you cite this article)
Published in:	(Revised & Resubmitted) Natural Language & Linguistic Theory
keywords:	bei-construction, mandarin chinese, passive, composite movement, syntax
Downloaded:	136 times

 

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